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Choosing a super fund. How to Complete your Standard choice form. Many of the specific problems of the falling part of clustering, that is old industrial areas, are related to path dependency and lock-ins.
Particularly political lock-ins hinder the necessary restructuring processes in old industrial areas. They can be considered as thick institutional tissues aiming at preserving existing industrial structures and therefore unnecessarily slowing down industrial restructuring and indirectly hampering the development of indigenous potential and creativity.
Of the recently born offspring of the family of territorial innovation models, the learning region concept seems to be most focused on overcoming and avoiding political lock-ins in old industrial areas.
Most scholars consider learning regions as regional 1 development concepts in which the main actors are strongly, but flexibly connected with each other and are open both to intra-regional and inter-regional learning processes.
Policy-makers in learning regions are involved in learning from institutional errors made in the past and by doing that in avoiding path-dependent development.
Empirical evidence shows that the learning region is of limited importance to unlock regional economies from path dependency, due to three weaknesses: its fuzziness, its normative character in its squeezed position between national innovation systems and global production networks.
A less normative and more process-oriented concept is proposed in this paper, namely that of the learning cluster. Introduction Since the Industrial Revolution the cyclical processes of rise and fall of regional economies have been accelerating.
Modern theoretical concepts in economic geography, however, mainly try to explain the rising part of geographical clustering of industries.
These policies, therefore, have been mainly deriving from lessons learned from success regions and thus have been consisting of measures such as science parks and technology transfer agencies to boost small and medium-sized enterprises.
Grabher developed political lock-ins furthest in his studies on the Ruhr Area in Germany. Although there are several definitions and perspectives, most scholars consider learning regions as regional development concepts in which the main actors politicians, policymakers, chambers of commerce, trade unions, higher education institutes, public research establishments and companies are strongly, but flexibly connected with each other and are open both to intra-regional and inter-regional learning processes Morgan, ; Boekema et al.
Illustrated by recent research on highly specialised declining regional economies in Germany and South Korea, the paper will reveal the learning region concept's limitations to unlock regional economic path dependency in old industrial areas.
It will show its main weaknesses and will propose an alternative concept, namely that of the learning cluster. In the following, the concept of lock-ins and path dependency in relation to the restructuring of old industrial areas is discussed in section 2.
Section 3 will portrait the learning region from a 3 conceptual point of view, whereas section 4 will verify the application of the concept in two old industrial areas.
Section 5 will reveal the learning region concept's limitations to unlock regional economic path dependency in old industrial areas and will come up with the alternative concept of learning clusters.
As milieus tend to change more slowly than industries, a sclerotic milieu can remain in a region even after the industrial structure to which it belonged already has disappeared.
In other old industrial areas, however, political initiatives and institutional renewal have led to the successful promotion of new industrial 4 activities and thus restructuring Cooke, In the unsuccessful ones, political lock-ins hinder renewal and restructuring.
They can be regarded as thick institutional tissues aiming at preserving existing traditional industrial structures and therefore unnecessarily slowing down industrial restructuring and indirectly hampering the development of indigenous potential and creativity.
With regard to the latter part there seems to be, therefore, a strong relationship between cognitive lock-ins and political lock-ins.
In such a situation, large companies are unwilling to sell unused sites to local authorities for the attraction of inward investment, as they are afraid to lose qualified employees to competitors.
Local authorities do not see the point to attract inward investment or to promote restructuring in another way, as large tax incomes are paid by large local enterprises.
In some regional production clusters the spirit of the Schumpeterian entrepreneur might dwindle due to an increasing industrial concentration and the domination of large companies.
Related to the issue of political lock-ins are discussions about network failures and antidevelopmental networks Von Tunzelmann, ; Iammarino, Indicators to measure political lock-ins might be the amount of subsidies spent to support the industry, the number of 5 lobbying organisations and, more importantly, their impact, long-term stability of institutions involved in supporting the industry and the weak support of new industries.
There have been much fewer thoughts and papers about regional development concepts that can unlock old industrial economies from negative path dependency.
The learning region is potentially such a concept. The learning region In the framework of the contemporary transformation from an industrial to a knowledge-based economy, the learning economy Lundvall, and recently also learning regions have been propagated as future concepts for successful economic development in many countries of Europe Morgan, ; Hassink, ; Van Geenhuizen, ; Butzin, ; Scheff, ; Boekema et al.
The capacity of both individuals and organisations to engage successfully in learning processes is regarded as a crucial component of economic performance in the knowledge-based economy.
Reading the recently rapidly expanding amount of literature on the learning region, two angles can be distinguished from which this concept has been launched.
Secondly, most authors have launched the concept as a theory-led regional development concept from an action-related perspective at the meso level.
This distinction bears resemblance to a distinction Boekema et al. Since this paper aims at analysing the potential of the learning region strategy to break through negative path dependency, it will focus on the second, action-related perspective.
In many countries a general shift of innovation and labour market policies can be observed from the national to regional levels of decision-making, partly supported by supra-national organisations such as the EU and the World Bank OECD, The definitions of learning regions are quite vague and diverse, since seldom concrete examples can be shown and since policy-makers, who have been eager to use the concept as a label for their development plans, have not make efforts to define what they mean by learning regions.
Small wonder, therefore, that Martin , p. In a recent edited book on learning regions, Boekema et al. According to the OECD , p. It is "characterised by regional institutions, which facilitate individual and organisational learning through the co-ordination of flexible networks of economic and political agents" OECD, , p.
Regional policies are crucial for stimulating individual and organisational learning, because policy-makers can address path dependency that goes beyond the interest of single agencies and firms OECD, Both changing the industrial structure and institutional unlearning are issues that can fruitfully be addressed by regional policymakers.
As the learning region is a model, it is not possible to identify examples of actually existing learning regions OECD, There are various trajectories towards the goal to become a learning region.
To affect social capital in regions is an important element of the learning region strategy. Morgan calls learning regions the new generation of regional policy, which, compared to traditional regional policy, focuses on infostructure instead of infrastructure, on opening minds instead of opening roads and branch plants and which devises policies with SMEs instead of just policies for SMEs.
Other characteristics of this concept are: bottom-up concept, transparent, face8 to-face relations, integrated solving of problems crossing of policy fields and permanent organisational learning with feedback effects.
This network is open to learning, both to intraregionally and inter-regionally, and willing to unlearn. These characteristics of a learning region, however, only describe the method of working and the attitude of regional economic policymakers.
The concrete contents of the innovation policy need to vary according to the economic profile and demand in individual regions.
The learning region can thus be defined as a regional innovation strategy in which a broad set of innovation-related regional actors politicians, policy-makers, chambers of commerce, trade unions, higher education institutes, public research establishments and companies are strongly, but flexibly connected with each other, and who stick to a certain set of "policy principles" OECD, Examples of these concepts are regional innovation systems, industrial districts, innovative milieus and regional clusters.
By focusing on the learning ability of regional actors, the learning region concept might, in contrast to the other concepts, be able to explain why in some regions learning by interacting and collective tacit knowledge can turn from a strength into a weakness negative path dependence.
Here the learning region clearly adds something to existing concepts. Compared with other concepts, learning regions are more involved in learning from institutional errors made in the past and by doing that in avoiding path-dependent development OECD, Therefore, it can be applied to a broader range of regions than the other models, which turned out to be difficult to transfer to structurally weak regions.
The OECD recently published the first indepth empirical study on the concept of learning regions. With the help of an interesting mix of a quantitative correlation analysis and a qualitative analysis on the basis of case-studies several conceptual relationships of the learning region are investigated.
Other recent empirical studies on the learning region include work on the central part of the Ruhr Area in Germany by Pommeranz and on the Graz Region in Austria by Scheff Moreover, the learning region concept has arrived in one form or another on the desks of regional policy-makers in Europe for quite some time now.
The popularity of the German term can be explained through the federal programme called Lernende Region, which is partly funded by the European Social Fund www.
Furthermore, partly based on the learning region concept, the EU has started a new generation of regional policies Landabaso et al.
In sum, the learning region concept could serve to solve the question what distinguishes 'good' from 'bad' industrial agglomerations.
Traditional theoretical concepts as well as recent studies on regional networking and collective learning in Europe not only focus too much on success regions, they also lack the equipment to distinguish 'good' industrial agglomerations.
The limited learning ability of regional actors could be the explanatory factor why the co-ordination of collective activities in some regions turns from a strength into a weakness path dependence.
Since, conceptually, the learning region is regarded as most focused on overcoming and avoiding political lock-ins in old industrial areas, the following section will analyse whether learning region strategies are applied in declining regional economies in order to unlock them from negative path dependency.
Learning region strategies in old industrial areas? This section will verify whether learning region strategies are applied to unlock regional economic path dependency in two highly specialised, declining old industrial areas, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in Germany, which has an economy dominated by the shipbuilding industry, and Daegu in South Korea, which is specialised in textile industry.
In order to save the industry from total collapse, a political consensus was built between various interest groups on different geographical levels: yard managers, workers councils, regional trade unions, mayors of yard cities, regional policy-makers as well as the representatives of the German 13 Shipbuilding and Ocean Industries Association and the Co-ordinator for the Maritime Economy in the Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology.
Dissolution of the state-owned enterprise and privatisation were the strategies applied by the German national and regional government. Nowadays the yards are in the hands of mainly Scandinavian of shipbuilding concerns.
The modernisation of the production capacities was mainly financed by subsidies provided by the German government, the state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and the European Union.
For each DM of state aid only about 0. In order to avoid a strong increase in over-capacity, the federal government and the European Commission agreed that the shipyards in MecklenburgVorpommern were not allowed to build more ships than a certain annual capacity limit until That is not only shown by the large amount of subsidies made available for the shipbuilding industry, it is also shown by the successful lobby of the consensus group of actors to release the EU capacity limitation and to sue the South Korean government at the WTO for supposedly illegally supporting Korean yards.
It would be unfair, however, to make the impression that the regional industrial policy is only active in lobbying activities in order to preserve existing structures.
It does also a lot to support innovative small companies and 14 innovation projects. However, these projects, such as the Maritime Alliance in the framework of the federal support programme InnoRegio, also mainly support the innovativeness of the existing cluster.
In a recent paper, Cho discusses the restructuring process of the textile industry cluster of Daegu, the third largest city in South Korea Figure 2 , a process I analysed myself, as well, during field-work last year in South Korea.
The cluster, which started to grow in the s and which geographically consists of Daegu, Gumi and Gyeongsan, is characterised by a specialisation in the production and weaving of chemical fibres and has been strongly focusing on export.
Textile business constitutes the largest segment of manufacturing in Daegu: The high rate of automation in the s brought about problems of overcapacity and overproduction, which in turn led to financial difficulties in textile business.
Moreover, textile companies were faced with increasing competition from low-cost neighbouring countries, China in particular, and a shift of Korean producers to China in the s.
Forty years of path dependent evolution led to a specialisation in the narrow low-value added and low-tech middle stream of the textile value chain, whereas high-value added and high-tech downstream activities were nearly totally absent.
Milano is a symbolic target for the high-road restructuring of textile in Daegu. The main promoters of the project, the central government and the City of Daegu, aim at promoting both new activities fashion and design and projects with new actors research institutes, universities, design schools, banks etc.
Therefore resistance to and conflict around the restructuring are widely witnessed in the process of project implementation. It shows that lockins oppose learning initiatives to restructure the regional economy.
The above presented cases share with each other the problems of regional economic decline and path dependency and to some extent also political lock-ins.
Although in most cases we can find 16 the broad set of innovation-related regional actors politicians, policy-makers, chambers of commerce, trade unions, higher education institutes, public research establishments and companies that are strongly, but flexibly connected with each other, we can call none of them a learning region.
In neither of the regions we can observe a carefully identifying of resources in the region that could impede economic development lock-ins , nor did the regional actors positively respond to changes from outside, particularly where this involves unlearning.
On the contrary, in many ways the regions are characterised by negative responses to changes from outside. Our professional leaves for the area.
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